After three years of closure, the border between Niger and Bénin could finally be on the cusp of a significant shift. The recent visit by Nigerien Prime Minister Ali Lamine Zeine to Cotonou, where he attended the inauguration of Bénin’s new head of state, Romuald Wadagni, has re-established a direct political channel between Niamey and Cotonou. Addressing his hosts, the Nigerien head of government spoke of a “new path” for the two nations, a diplomatic phrasing that signals the beginning of a thaw following the open crisis that erupted after the July 2023 coup.
The closure of the Malanville border post, a crucial commercial gateway linking the two states, was implemented in the wake of sanctions imposed by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) against Niger’s military regime. Since then, the flow of hydrocarbons, foodstuffs, and various goods has been rerouted through Burkina Faso and Togo, leading to a significant surge in logistical costs for businesses on both sides of the border.
Economic fracture with severe repercussions
The Port of Cotonou traditionally served as the primary maritime outlet for Niger’s landlocked economy. Its exclusion has heavily impacted Beninese customs revenues and complicated supply chains for Niamey, particularly following the commissioning of the crude oil export pipeline connecting Agadem to Bénin’s Sèmè-Kpodji terminal. The contentious issues surrounding this infrastructure, operated in partnership with the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), had intensified distrust between the two capitals throughout 2024.
For communities living along the frontier, the border closure translated into commercial strangulation, as their livelihoods largely depended on transit trade. Informal operators, including transporters and merchants, resorted to numerous detours via secondary tracks, fueling an unregulated parallel market. Economist Olivier Vallée, formerly a technical advisor in Niger, highlighted that an official reopening would provide immediate relief for households on both sides of the divide.
Security concerns at the heart of reluctance
Despite the economic pressures, security remains the primary point of contention. Beninese authorities are grappling with an escalation of armed groups, including those affiliated with Islamic State in the Sahel and Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), operating in the country’s northern regions, notably within the W and Pendjari national parks. Cotonou fears that an uncontrolled reopening of the Malanville crossing could facilitate the movement of combatants and resupply logistics for cells established in the tri-border area.
On the Nigerien side, a symmetrical mistrust prevails. The transitional authorities accuse Bénin of having allowed the presence of elements hostile to the military government on its territory after the 2023 coup. Niamey has repeatedly alleged that Cotonou harbors training bases, accusations that Beninese authorities have consistently denied. This climate of mutual suspicion explains why, as Olivier Vallée suggests, both sides continue to fear infiltrations, whether jihadist or political.
A conditional diplomatic thaw
The arrival of Romuald Wadagni to the Beninese presidency partially reshuffles the cards. As a former Minister of Finance highly regarded by international donors, he inherits a situation where economic interests strongly advocate for a swift resolution. The full resumption of Nigerien crude oil exports through the Beninese terminal represents an annual stake of several hundred billion CFA francs for both national treasuries.
Nevertheless, the timeline for a full reopening remains uncertain. Several technical stages are anticipated, including the establishment of reinforced control protocols at Malanville, the potential reactivation of a joint security commission, and the clarification of the status of nationals from both countries who have been stranded since 2023. Niger’s shift towards a new regional cooperation dynamic, having left ECOWAS alongside Mali and Burkina Faso to form the Confederation of Sahel States, adds an additional layer of institutional complexity. The gesture made in Cotonou represents the most tangible political signal since the onset of the crisis.
