The controversy surrounding political funds has ignited fierce debates across Senegal’s political landscape. From television studios to social media platforms like Facebook, lawmakers, former ministers, and parliamentarians are locked in a heated exchange over a long-standing practice that has resurfaced with renewed intensity.
The debate centers on a critical question: Who, before Ousmane Sonko, truly benefited from discretionary envelopes allocated to the Prime Minister’s office, and how were these funds utilized? This discussion unfolds against a backdrop of extraordinary parliamentary sessions, with the National Assembly convening since August 10 under Sonko’s leadership to deliberate on a bill regulating special credits and secret funds, alongside proposals for asset declarations, labor reforms, and the establishment of six parliamentary inquiry commissions.
Disputes over the origins of political funds
Aly Ngouille Ndiaye’s explosive claims have reignited the debate. During an appearance on SenTV, the former Interior Minister boldly asserted that Ousmane Sonko was the first Senegalese Prime Minister to receive dedicated political funds. “In reality, he was the first head of government to have access to them,” Ndiaye declared. “I was never Prime Minister, but many former Prime Ministers are listening to me right now. Only Boun Abdallah Dionne, who has since passed away, did not have such funds. This practice began with Sonko.”
Ndiaye also scrutinized the 1.7 billion CFA francs figure frequently cited by Sonko, questioning whether the funds were allocated quarterly or annually. He suggested that if allocated annually, Sonko’s total would amount to 8 billion CFA francs, adding that the initial 1.7 billion had already been depleted. This claim, echoed by the Minister of Petroleum and Energy Abdourahmane Diouf, implies that Sonko’s successor inherited an empty treasury. “In the inquiry commissions, he should have included his own case for transparency’s sake,” Ndiaye argued. “There are even things I know that I cannot say here.”
Former Prime Ministers push back
The former Interior Minister’s remarks sparked widespread backlash, particularly with the emergence of viral archival footage contradicting his narrative. A notable rebuttal came from Souleymane Ndéné Ndiaye, the last Prime Minister under former President Abdoulaye Wade. Speaking on the show “Faram Facce” in April 2025, he revealed, “Even when I was Director of the President’s Cabinet, I received political funds. Every month-end, I was given my allocation.” This disclosure predates Ndéné Ndiaye’s tenure as Prime Minister, tracing the practice back to his role as a presidential advisor.
Further testimonies, including those attributed to former President Macky Sall and former Prime Minister Idrissa Seck, have surfaced, all pointing to the existence of these funds under previous administrations. Social media users have also recalled instances where Abdoulaye Wade reportedly used his own political funds to support Prime Ministers in meeting specific expenses.
Pastef dismisses allegations as baseless
The Pastef movement swiftly responded to the criticisms, dismissing the allegations as unfounded. Elimane Pouye, Director General of the Société de Gestion et d’Exploitation du Patrimoine bâti (SOGEPA SN), argued that comparing the Prime Minister’s office budgets for 2023, 2024, and 2025 shows no significant changes when accounting for institutional adjustments. He emphasized that the debate should focus on the use of public funds in a democratic context rather than on speculation about amounts and frequency.
Pastef members pointed out that the party has long advocated for transparency in political funds, with reforms included in its 2019 electoral manifesto—well before Sonko’s appointment as Prime Minister in 2024. This underscores that the practice was neither novel nor exclusive to the current government.
The historical evolution of discretionary funds
A deeper examination of parliamentary records reveals a dramatic increase in these funds over successive regimes. Under former President Abdou Diouf, allocations hovered around 650 million CFA francs, while under Abdoulaye Wade, they surged to nearly 8 billion. A report by State General Inspectors (IGE) covering 2008-2012 documented the consumption of 108 billion CFA francs in political funds, with 48 billion lacking proper accounting—a figure that has long lingered in Senegal’s public financial records.
A stark example of mismanagement emerged with the National Program for Local Development (PNDL), a 100 billion CFA franc fund entrusted to the Prime Minister’s office. This program became the subject of an investigation into former Prime Minister Idrissa Seck after his departure in 2004, focusing on his management of the funds and allegations of illicit enrichment, including two real estate properties in Saly and Atlanta, USA. This episode underscores the longstanding lack of oversight over discretionary resources allocated to the Prime Minister’s office.
Calls for legal oversight intensify
Lawmakers from across the political spectrum are rallying for stricter regulation. Deputy Guy Marius Sagna revealed he submitted a draft law in September 2025 proposing the creation of a “Commission for Verification of Political Fund Credits” to Pastef’s parliamentary group and Ousmane Sonko. Sonko reportedly requested patience, preferring the government to lead the reform rather than the National Assembly. “President Sonko asked me to wait while he discussed the matter with relevant parties,” Sagna wrote on Facebook. He later introduced four draft laws, including one to establish a commission to audit the use of political funds.
Thierno Alassane Sall, a former Energy Minister known for his 2017 resignation over transparency issues, labeled these funds as “theft,” criticizing their lack of parliamentary approval. Addressing the National Assembly on May 22, he stated, “The Prime Minister came here to talk about political funds, but this isn’t his responsibility to address.” He distinguished these funds from presidential intelligence credits, which, he argued, should not be conflated with the current controversy.
Not all voices align on the urgency of reform. El Hadj Momar Samb, Secretary-General of the RTA-S, accused the parliamentary majority of opportunism, noting that many of its current members held high-ranking positions in past governments without advocating for transparency earlier. While supporting transparency, he called for broader parliamentary oversight, extending to the management of the National Water Company (ONAS), oil revenues, Matam region funds, and compensation for victims of political crises.
Balancing tradition with transparency
The government’s official stance favors regulation over abolition. In May, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye justified maintaining these funds, citing their role in intelligence and social solidarity. He argued that abolishing them outright could create a void in addressing urgent social needs. Sonko echoed this stance, excluding the possibility of abolition while advocating for stricter controls. During a May 22, 2026 address to the National Assembly, he cited the 1.77 billion CFA franc allocation to the Prime Minister’s office.
Parliament’s extraordinary session, convened on August 10, 2026, reflects this tension. The agenda includes urgent deliberation on a bill to regulate special credits and secret funds, alongside constitutional amendments on asset declarations for the President. The debate remains unresolved, highlighting the persistent conflict between institutional practices, documented across multiple regimes from Abdou Diouf to the present, and the growing demand for transparency and accountability from the current administration.
