Mali’s transition government stands firm amid rising jihadist threats

Moussa Ag Acharatoumane, member of Mali’s National Transitional Council, discusses the country’s resilience against insurgent groups and the strength of its current leadership.

In Mali, the transitional authorities remain steadfast in their commitment to counter armed groups. On April 25, jihadists from the Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims (JNIM), linked to al-Qaïda, and Tuareg separatists from the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) launched coordinated attacks, resulting in the death of Defense Minister General Sadio Camara and the seizure of Kidal. Since then, JNIM has imposed a blockade on Bamako and intensified its offensives. Despite these challenges, the Malian army and its Russian partners from the Africa Corps continue their operations, demonstrating unwavering determination.

Moussa Ag Acharatoumane, a member of the National Transitional Council—which serves as Mali’s legislative body in the absence of elections for nearly six years—and leader of the Mouvement pour le salut de l’Azawad (MSA), a politico-military group aligned with the transitional authorities, shares his perspective on the current crisis.

Assimi Goïta remains Mali’s essential leader, says transition official

Mali’s transitional authorities have faced criticism since the April 25 attacks, with opponents arguing the government is weakened. Supporters of the military leadership, however, call for unity. Do you believe Assimi Goïta continues to be the president Mali needs?

Moussa Ag Acharatoumane: Absolutely. Assimi Goïta remains the president Mali needs. He continues to govern the country effectively. I must emphasize that despite the April 25 attacks, Mali remains a functioning state that is actively responding. The defense and security forces have successfully repelled terrorist actions, even amid the complexity of these attacks, particularly with the involvement of internal and external accomplices. Today, our army is more united than ever, with cohesive command structures, high morale among soldiers, and ongoing operations across the country.

Despite continued attacks, Bamako under blockade, and the regime’s resilience, how would you describe the current situation?

Our regime is strong—I would even say the Malian people themselves are strong. Malians love their army, their leadership, and their country. This alliance between the JNIM and the MNLA—what do you make of it?

JNIM-MNLA alliance: a strategic misstep with deadly consequences

Al-Qaïda’s influence is well-documented. Those who have chosen to align with this group have not learned from the mistakes of 2012, when a similar attempt led to widespread chaos. Some of our brothers, though not all, have remained tied to al-Qaïda’s ideology. Many have suffered directly, including families decimated by the group. This same al-Qaïda is behind the assassination of journalists Ghislain Dupont and Claude Verlon in Kidal in 2013—a crime claimed by al-Qaïda in the Islamic Maghreb, with one of the masterminds, Seidane Ag Hitta, now a leading figure in JNIM.

This alliance is a grave error. Our brothers must recognize the folly of their actions and reverse course. They should follow the example of the MSA and GATIA, two politico-military groups that have allied with the Malian army to combat international terrorism.

The MNLA leadership claims this is merely a military alliance against a common enemy—the Malian army and the Russia-backed Africa Corps—and that no broader project exists.

When al-Qaïda’s official international organ publicly acknowledges its alliance with the MNLA, when Iyad Ag Ghali (JNIM’s leader) personally coordinates operations in Kidal alongside Alghabass Ag Intallah (an MNLA leader), and when they parade through Kidal’s streets with black flags emblazoned with their extremist slogans, it is clear: our brothers are making a catastrophic mistake. They were victims of al-Qaïda in 2012, and the same actors are at work in 2026.

Kidal under jihadist control: will the Malian army launch a counteroffensive?

The defense and security forces are currently reorganizing and are actively present in the Kidal region. They are determined to conduct operations across the national territory and will not cede a single centimeter to terrorist organizations.

General El Hadj Ag Gamou, appointed governor of Kidal by the transitional authorities in 2023 and known to you, is reportedly in Gao. Is this accurate? Could he play a role in a counteroffensive in Kidal?

General El Hadj Ag Gamou is doing well. I can reassure everyone on this point. He is in high spirits, grounded, and leading with resolve. As governor of Kidal, he oversees the region’s administration while the army handles military operations, redeployments, and offensives. He is well, with no issues at all.

Ménaka: stability returns after Islamist State offensives

In our region of Ménaka, the Malian army and Africa Corps successfully repelled an offensive by the rival Islamic State group at the end of April. Since then, the situation has stabilized. Normal life has resumed, the administration is functioning, and security forces, along with their partners, conduct regular patrols. However, the threat persists. We must remain vigilant—Mali is at war with one of the world’s most dangerous terrorist organizations. For now, Ménaka is calm, but we cannot afford to let our guard down.

Negotiating with JNIM and MNLA: a viable path?

Many opponents of the current regime, including the Coalition of Forces for the Republic led by Imam Dicko, advocate for dialogue with JNIM and MNLA. Such negotiations have been proposed repeatedly over the past decade, including during national dialogues under the transitional government. However, the current authorities firmly reject this approach. Are you open to negotiation?

There is no room for negotiation with groups whose stated goal is the destruction of our country. The Malian state’s duty is to protect its people and territorial integrity. We cannot engage in talks under the current conditions. If our fellow Malians renounce violence and extremism, there is a place for everyone—but not under these circumstances.