Will anyone ever be held accountable for AFC/M23’s civilian targeting in the eastern DRC?

Read aloudAbout 5 min

Can a rebel coalition that presents itself as a shield against Rwandan Hutu fighters be trusted when United Nations investigators say its guns keep turning on Congolese civilians? That is the dilemma at the heart of a new UN report on the Alliance Fleuve Congo and the March 23 Movement (AFC/M23) in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. The document, built on field testimony from the contested zones of North and South Kivu, describes a pattern of abuses that undercuts the coalition’s stated reason for fighting: neutralizing the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu armed group that has operated on Congolese soil since the 1994 genocide.

What the evidence from the Kivus actually shows

UN investigators paint a consistent method of operation rather than isolated incidents. Instead of restricting themselves to direct clashes with the FDLR, AFC/M23 offensives have reportedly been accompanied by reprisals against villages suspected of sheltering or backing the Rwandan armed group. Summary executions, forced displacement and the burning of homes are among the violations catalogued. These acts fit into a wider pattern of territorial occupation that has redrawn the security map of eastern Congo since hostilities resumed in 2022.

The report also highlights how hard it is, on the ground, to separate combatants from Congolese Hutu communities that are sometimes wrongly lumped together with the FDLR. That confusion feeds a cycle of communal violence which humanitarian actors struggle to contain. UN agencies in Goma and Bukavu record a steady flow of displaced people, even as fighting and restrictions imposed by the warring parties continue to hamper humanitarian access.

Kinshasa’s disarmament plan under scrutiny

In response, Congolese authorities point to a political process of voluntary disarmament of the FDLR, presented as the structural answer to the presence of the Rwandan armed group on their territory. Kinshasa argues that some fighters have already been cantoned and that repatriation mechanisms are being studied with the UN stabilization mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) and several regional partners.

Kigali rejects that framing outright, treating the FDLR as an existential threat and accusing the Congolese government of de facto collusion with the group. Rwanda leans on that reading to justify its support for AFC/M23 operations, support that earlier UN expert reports have documented. The latest report does not fundamentally alter that equation, but it shifts the debate toward a different question: the human cost borne by Congolese civilians.

Why the fallout reaches beyond the Kivus

The UN findings land at a pivotal moment for regional diplomacy. The Luanda process, led by Angola, and the Nairobi process, sponsored by the East African Community, are trying to stitch together a ceasefire, the withdrawal of foreign forces and the neutralization of armed groups. The accusations against AFC/M23 complicate any prospect of politically integrating the movement, a scenario that has nonetheless surfaced in some mediation tracks.

For the DRC’s economic partners, especially in strategic minerals such as coltan, cobalt and tin, persistent insecurity in the Kivus remains a major challenge. Traceability schemes promoted by the European Union and major technology companies run up against a war economy in which armed groups still capture supply chains. Detailed UN documentation of abuses could increase pressure on international buyers and on neighboring states involved in cross-border flows.

Then there is the question of judicial follow-up. Past expert panel reports have rarely led to prosecutions, despite the regular referrals of the Congolese situation to the International Criminal Court. Human rights organizations argue that the evidence gathered should feed concrete proceedings, both in Kinshasa and in The Hague. The UN document is expected to be examined in the coming weeks by the competent bodies of the Security Council.

Further reading

Anglophone crisis: 707 separatist materials seized at Ekok · Israel and the UAE move toward backing Ethiopia against Eritrea · Mali: Amnesty documents abuses by the army and Wagner

Follow this storyFind our stories in Feedly, Inoreader…

About Nicolas Biyong

Journalist

View all posts by Nicolas Biyong →